I had a frustrating time in Brussels, the coach was late and this resulted in me being 1½ hour late in Sarajevo. However Avda was there and everything then went to plan. After I had settled in I met with HMD to discuss my planned meeting with the Minister of Refugees and Displaced Persons. Alexandra Londero thought we should have a preparatory meeting with UNHCR due to the number of questions we wanted to put to the minister. This was arranged for 21^st July in the morning.

On 11^th July, Avda, his family and I left Zivinice early, as it is better to travel during the coolest part of the day to Potocari and the Remembrance Day Ceremony. I noticed how much things have changed since my first visit- no border checks and the freedom of movement for example.

At Potocari a wall/fence has been built alongside the old Dutch H.Q. and at the entrance end there is now an open air Mosque. At the far end there is row after row of graves. 1,000 bodies in all have been identified by DNA; they have either been buried or are waiting to be buried. A number were interred when I was there on this Remembrance Day, which was attended by among others Lord Ashdown. Paddy Ashdown is the international community's high representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina; he began a two-year stint as the most senior civilian working for the peace implementation council in the former Yugoslav republic in May 2002.

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From where I stood and then towards the Mosque, paths circled the area for the crowds and mourners. Between the graves and the Mosque a triangular stone has been erected which has carved on its three sides a prayer in English, Bosnian and Arabic.

There is a feeling among many of the Muslims to forgive but not to forget their loved ones in doing so. I hope the Serbs and Croats too can show remorse and hold out the hand of friendship. At the end of the ceremony some of the remaining 9,000 unidentified dead had their names read out over the loudspeakers.

During the next few days Avda and his family invited me to a number of barbeques (a local tradition) to meet his Father-in-law and other relatives. This gave me the opportunity to see the local countryside, which is breathtakingly beautiful.

Later that week I visited Jezevac Camp near Bandovici where I spoke to Hasanovic Hasain, nicknamed Cico, and Husic Sena.

Mr. Hasain, 43 years old, from Bratunac has been trying to get a loan from various agencies for 4 years to rebuild his house on his own land, which is in the Republic of Serbia. He was disabled during the war and is currently drawing a small pension. He would be willing to buy the Camp house he is in at present and perhaps the money due to him for his former house, (his compensation claims needs to be dealt with urgently) could be offset against his current home in the camp in Tuzla, Federation Area.

Mrs. Husic Sena, Dula Delic’s sister, is 64 years old, a widow and has a daughter but no sons. She does not want to return and would also be willing to buy her house in the camp though she needs help/ training to be self sufficient and be able to earn a living. She complained about the water, which is turned off for 2 days at a time and when it is turned on, it can be at 1 - 3 o’clock in the morning.

Grab Potok Camp near by is being closed down, though it is planned to become a home for the elderly, and the residents who remained have been moved to Jezevac Camp.

I had a preliminary meeting with UNHCR on 21^st July where I stressed the need to address certain issues that arise from the positive idea of selling the women in the camp their houses. They would need a basic level of education so they can understand all the forms and the skills needed to earn a living and provided for themselves, their children. They still need to pay for food, clothing, education and medical care.

If some women do decide to return ‘home’ they need to be assured of their security from Serbian abuse and be provided with accommodation, fresh water and electricity while their homes are being rebuilt. They too must be given the support and training to gain suitable skills, to be able to provide for themselves and their families.

Without these tools neither scheme will enable these families to be self-sufficient or to start to lead independent safe lives. I put these points most forcefully.

On 24^th July Avda took me to revisit Voljavica and I was pleasantly surprised to see the village is coming to life. A good number of houses are being rebuilt but it seems patchy with some areas having to wait for materials for more than 2 years. There has been an increase in population numbers but help is coming very slowly, security is non-existent (International security is not available and the Serb Police are not visibly objective), and water availability is still a problem.

Serbians are returning to the village and they are all living peacefully together though I was told that Serbians from outside the area have caused tension and difficulties. This is one village were security needs to be strengthened.

At my meeting with HMD it looked as if I would have to meet Minister Hamdija Numanovic without the support of HMD due to their staff shortages and they might have to shut their operations down soon. There was no news from ‘Arthur’ publishing regarding the video proposal and my personal camcorder was still not functioning correctly.

Avda and I traveled to Tuzla to meet the Minister on the 28^th July and as HMD was unable to attend we took Ibrahim Jahic along as our interpreter. The meeting began at 9.50 though UNHCR had not arrived.

The Minister informed us that the previous government had no scheme for returning refugees or those staying in the Federation. The new government has introduced it’s own policy and money was allocated for various schemes, (I have copies in Bosnian explaining these plans). There are support schemes available for the people in the camps, such as the women of Srebenica, the disabled and people with no finances. At this point the UNHCR representative arrived with her interpreter. The Minister continued to explain that some Bosnians try to obtain a second house by applying for building materials for their house in East Bosnia, then purchasing their camp house and remaining in the camp. Hamdija Numanovic insisted the women did have basic education and understood the forms, (however after visiting Mrdici Camp I very much doubt it).

He said they would look into ways for them to learn employable skills to enable them to earn a living. He also stated that they were aware of: some attacks on Muslim by Serbs, the health issues and the water shortage/access problems. He said these concerns would also be looked into. At the end of the meeting I explained my feelings about Bosnia to the Minister along with some suggestions for its future development, with which he agreed.

I visited this camp on 31^st July and it is one of the worst, and I have some video footage that I can forward. It is miles form anywhere and built on the site of an old mine. The houses are constructed of wood with tile roofs, they are very small and two families live in each house.

They have two small rooms per family and share the kitchen, toilet and electric meter. This latter can of course a cause problem especially when one hears about the cost. Previously they have not had to pay for electricity but now a Canton has been elected the rules have changed. Above 200Kw a month they have to pay and the charges seem very high.

We spoke to a woman who showed us her bill for June/July, it came to 1,150 KMs, which at the present exchange rate is £400 and she says that she cannot possibly pay it. Other residents have bills up to 3,000 KM’s. I also found that they knew nothing of their rights under the Dayton Peace Accord including their right for property compensation. She said that she would be happy with even a third of the 1992 value for her house in East Bosnia if it meant she could buy a house and leave the camp.

I informed them of the whereabouts of the office in Sarajevo but travel is not an option for many of the residents.

I believe Bosnia has a great future within Europe. Its greatest asset is the lovely countryside with its natural health giving properties, springs, local herbal medicine and plenty of Barbeque Areas. Locally grown plums and grapes are turned into plum and grape brandy or wine and they produce one of the best beers I have had in Tuzla. With the right support and investment Bosnia could be a wonderful new tourist destination. This would create employment and bring in a much-needed influx of foreign money as well as reduce the need for aid. A businessman or entrepreneur with the money and courage to expand the positives and invest in growth would have an ideal new Holiday Destination!

Two further suggestions: 1) HMD have proposed the idea of bringing young people to Britain for a work experience/training visit for say 4 months. This would help improve their skills and employability. 2) British businesses that are modernizing could recycle their outmoded equipment or computers by sending them to Bosnia, via a reputable route. These could be recycled or donated to start up businesses and help support growth.

If Britain is to join the Euro they will need friends to make the changes that are needed, what better friend than a Bosnia that is happy, united and can see future growth and development

Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of sovereignty in October 1991 was followed by a declaration of independence from the former Yugoslavia on 3^rd March 1992 after a referendum boycotted by ethnic Serbs. The Bosnian Serbs - supported by neighboring Serbia and Montenegro - responded with armed resistance aimed at partitioning the republic along ethnic lines and joining Serb-held areas to form a "greater Serbia." In March 1994, Bosniaks and Croats reduced the number of warring factions from three to two by signing an agreement creating a joint Bosniak/Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On 21 November 1995, in Dayton, Ohio, the warring parties signed a peace agreement that brought to a halt the three years of interethnic civil strife (the final agreement was signed in Paris on 14 December 1995). The Dayton Agreement retained Bosnia and Herzegovina's international boundaries and created a joint multi-ethnic and democratic government. This national government was charged with conducting foreign, economic, and fiscal policy. Also recognized was a second tier of government comprised of two entities roughly equal in size: the Bosniak/Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian Serb-led Republika Srpska (RS). The Federation and RS governments were charged with overseeing internal functions.

In 1995-96, a NATO-led international peacekeeping force (IFOR) of 60,000 troops served in Bosnia to implement and monitor the military aspects of the agreement. IFOR was succeeded by a smaller, NATO-led Stabilization Force (SFOR) whose mission is to deter renewed hostilities. SFOR remains in place although troop levels were reduced to approximately 12,000 by the close of 2002. [This page was last updated on 19 March 2003]

The bitter interethnic warfare in Bosnia caused production to plummet by 80% from 1990 to 1995, unemployment to soar, and human misery to multiply. With an uneasy peace in place, output recovered in 1996-99 at high percentage rates from a low base; but output growth slowed in 2000 and 2001. GDP remains far below the 1990 level. Economic data are of limited use because, although both entities issue figures, national-level statistics are limited. Moreover, official data do not capture the large share of activity that occurs on the black market. The Marka - the national currency introduced in 1998 - is now pegged to the euro, and the Central Bank of Bosnia and Herzegovina has dramatically increased its reserve holdings. Implementation of privatization, however, has been slow, and local entities only reluctantly support national-level institutions. Banking reform accelerated in 2001 as all the communist-era payments bureaus were shut down. The country receives substantial amounts of reconstruction assistance and humanitarian aid from the international community but will have to prepare for an era of declining assistance.